Table 2 shows that both men and women are spending more time on domestic work. Interestingly, this increase is seen more in childcare than housework in almost all cases. However, the distribution of the extra work within the couple appears to be highly unbalanced. The extra work is a burden mainly borne by women.
There are some exceptions. Increased participation by men overtakes that of women only when women continue to go to their usual place of work and their partner does not work because of the emergency. Another case in which the increased participation of men in housework overtakes that of women is when women continue at their regular place of work and their partners telecommute.
In symmetric situations, the distribution of extra work still penalizes women. In this section, we estimate the determinants of changes in housework, childcare and home schooling during the COVID emergency. We estimate the regressions using linear probability models, and the results are confirmed by probit marginal effects. In Tables 3 and 4 , we show for both working women and their partner the determinants of more time devoted to housework, childcare, and home schooling respectively, conditioning on individual and family characteristics.
Our sample consists of all coupled women, where both partners were working before the emergency. Footnote 9 In both tables, the first column shows the regression results referring to women, while the second column refers to their partners. In Table 3 , we investigate the factors leading to more housework for working women and their working partners. The results consistently show a constant imbalance in the amount of time spent by men and women. Women spend more time on domestic work no matter where their workplace is, with one exception.
The only case in which women are less likely to do more housework during the emergency is when they continue to work at their usual workplace. However, there is no difference in the increased amount of housework between women who keep working from home and those who are not working because of the emergency.
Thus, women working remotely have to bear the workload of both their job and domestic responsibilities. Conversely, when looking at their partners in the second column of Table 3 , we notice that both men working at their usual workplace and those working from home are less likely to increase the number of hours spent on household chores than men not working because of the emergency. In fact, men are more likely to spend additional time on chores when their partners are working.
Finally, we notice that the partners of older women are less likely to increase the amount of housework they do. Interestingly, this asymmetry is apparent only when housework is considered. Turning to childcare, the results on the additional time devoted to children are symmetric when either the woman or her partner works outside the home, as shown in Table 4 , columns 1 and 2.
It is worth noting that home schooling is included in the time devoted to childcare, Indeed, the only case in which both women and men are less likely to spend more time on childcare is when they work at their usual workplace. One predictor of the time spent on taking care of the children is educational attainment: couples in which the mother holds a university degree are more likely to devote time to their children, even after controlling for other factors such as their working arrangements.
Another predictor of higher child-related workload is the age of the children: children younger than 10 years old require more time from both working mothers and fathers. The shutting down of schools, at any level, is likely to increase the amount of household work for parents. Many parents are squeezing in jobs or work-related tasks while also having to take on the responsibility for home schooling their children.
According to Sevilla and Smith , the difference between the share of childcare done by women and the share done by men for the additional post-COVID19 hours of childcare is smaller than that for the allocation of pre-COVID19, and the allocation has become more equal in households where men telecommute or where they have lost their jobs.
This has the potential to sharpen educational differences among children due to family background. It is worth noting that individuals with higher educations are more likely to devote more time to their children childcare and home schooling while they do not significantly change their time devoted to household chores. The age of children matters in determining the amount of effort devoted to them: one additional child in primary school age more than doubles the probability of devoting more time to home schooling than children in lower secondary school.
The number of children below primary school age, instead, does not affect the probability of spending more time on home schooling. This evidence also holds for older children in upper secondary school. Unsurprisingly, primary school aged children are more demanding: both partners spend more time helping primary school children with their homework.
However, the increase in time devoted to children is always greater for women than for men. Again, our estimates show that the probability of spending more time on childcare is higher for women. Women spend more time on their primary-school age children, while their partners do not.
For children over 15, the probability of devoting extra time is actually lower for male partners. In the appendix, we present a comparable analysis on our representative sample of households where women were not working before the emergency, and similar results for partners emerge Table 6.
When looking at housework in the second column of Table 6 , the estimates confirm that both men working at their usual workplace and those working from home are less likely to increase the number of hours spent on household chores with respect to men not working because of the emergency. Similarly, partners are less likely to spend more hours in childcare when they work at the usual place, while this relation does not hold when looking at home schooling.
Our estimates on non-working women also confirm that the age of children matters in determining the amount of time devoted to them: one additional child aged 6—10 raises the probability of devoting more time to home schooling, with a twofold increase for non-working mothers with respect to working fathers. In particular, we use as dependent variables two dummies indicating whether the respondent reported that work-life balance was more difficult for her.
Interestingly, the second column of Table 5 shows that working women with children age 0—5 are those most likely to report it is difficult to balance work and family due to excessive domestic responsibilities. The work—life balance is especially difficult to achieve when the partner continues working outside of the home during the emergency.
Also, older working women find the domestic work harder than their younger counterparts, even after controlling for the age of the children. Our results help understand important policy implications on the gender balance in the household. The decision about work arrangements of different types of jobs has affected men and women differently, not only in terms of health exposure to the virus, but also because they have a significant impact on the amount of housework and childcare and its allocation within the couple.
This in turn has potential substantial consequences on gender equality, as they challenge female participation to the labour force. Our results also suggest that specific policy interventions introduced to face the emergency of COVID may have important, perhaps neglected, indirect effects.
The numbers are very similar across Italian regions. The baby-sitter voucher, which will be extended to childcare centres as soon as they re-open, also represents a key policy for families with young children. Italian families resort little to care external to the family, because of its high cost and because of cultural stereotypes against the use of formal childcare for children aged 0—3.
However, the literature e. Hence, subsidizing childcare is expected to bring positive consequences on gender balance. Critical determinants of both the prevalent use of leaves by women and the scarce use of formal childcare are the well-established gender stereotypes and cultural bias, which, as our analysis suggests, resist also the COVID pandemic and the related changes of work arrangements. Thus, our results also suggest that these policies cannot be effective without a neutral and scientific information on their beneficial effects, for example on the benefit for children of attending formal childcare.
Additional gender effects may arise from policies related to the educational system, mainly schools. Our data show that the closure of schools critically increases childcare for parents in such a way which disproportionately affects women and which is likely unsustainable after the first months of the emergency. Finally, working from home may also have important consequences on gender gaps. On one side, an appropriate flexibility is desirable for better work—life balance of both men and women.
We have also highlighted the advantages of working from home, which may generate a better sharing of family work within the couple. On the other side, however, if this becomes a female-dominated option, with men mostly working at the workplace and women working from home, our results suggest a critical increase of unbalanced family work with most of the work borne by women.
While very recent studies have investigated the consequences of the COVID outbreak on either female employment or housework or childcare separately, this is the first study that investigates them in the same context. Moreover, this is the first study which focuses on couples rather than on men and women separately, and thus appropriately addresses the allocation of duties within the family. We show that the current crisis further increased the workload of women, resulting from both their occupation and the housework.
In contrast with men, there is no difference in the increase of housework between women who telecommute and those who do not work because of the emergency. Compared to their partners, working women bear the brunt of the increased time needed for household chores and childcare.
Men are more likely to be spending more time with the children, hence in more gratifying family work rather than chores. We also shed light on a specific and crucial component of childcare: home schooling. The closure of schools has imposed a massive burden on parents, and especially on working parents.
However, not all parents look after their children in the same way. This has the potential to exacerbate educational differences among children due to their family background, as early education has a significant impact on child development. We will analyse this outcome in future studies. Finally, we identify the groups that are most vulnerable and most aware of the difficult work-family balance.
We show that working women with young children, especially those aged 0—5, are those particularly affected, by bearing the excess burden to a higher extent. For women, the work—life balance is especially difficult to achieve when their partners keep working outside of the home during the emergency.
These results may have long-term implications, and implications that are potentially negative for women, especially if both the labour market crisis and school closures persist. However, there are also some positive implications, if it means that couples are taking the opportunity of the crisis to share the burden of childcare more equally. Comparative data show that when summing work in the labour market and work at home, Italian women not only work more than Italian men, but also more than men and women in most European countries ISTAT The survey was administered by Episteme, a professional survey company.
The question on housework includes a couple of examples like cleaning and cooking. The question on childcare asks about the time devoted to children in general, including the time devoted to home schooling. Differently from teleworking, there is no strict control of the supervisor on time and place of work.
During the COVID emergency, some form of flexibility was used: many workers worked from home and, in some cases, with some flexibility of time. We do not have detailed information on the specific type of flexibility. We hence exclude households where the woman is not living with a partner and households where the partner is not working.
Adams-Prassl, A. Work Tasks that can be done from home: evidence on variation within and across occupations and industries. Alon, T. Angelici, M. Smart-working: work flexibility without constraints. Working Paper No. Barbieri, T. Scicchitano, S. Italian workers at risk during the Covid epidemic. Biroli, P. Family life in lockdown. Casarico, A. Centra, M. Del Boca, D. Government education expenditures, pre-primary education and school performance: a cross-country analysis.
Fanelli, E. Galasso, V. Labour market inequalities. Hoynes, H. Who suffers during recessions? And, you do not have to spill the beans about the ways of how you proceed with the methods. In this chapter, a student has to prove that he is familiar with most of the studies that have been previously conducted on the same subject or topic. Moreover, a strong list of literature may convince a professor that your work will have a solid background in research.
For the top results, you can demonstrate the main theories, methodology, tricks, debates or even arguments contributed to studying this topic. Stay critical, and also attach those methods that proved to have only strength in discovering. One more tip for this part, there is no need to structure the literature review in alphabetical order.
Divide it relying on the concept, the purpose, and significance. For instance, the first sources will be concentrated on the occurrence of gender discrimination, the next ones for demonstrating statistics and results of such inequality.
This section is somehow the heart of your research proposal. It serves for demonstrating the methodological techniques that you applied for your work. However, do not forget that together with the theoretical background, there should be practical steps mentioned. Keep in mind, students often do one mistake they simply list the methods. It is not a table of content. So, aim for making a precise and spread answer to all the mentioned sources, ways, and methods.
Cite all sources you have used using online generators. Some supervisors may ask you to mention all the texts you just consulted to prepare for writing a research proposal. So, make sure to know whether you need a bibliography or reference list. In some cases, students may also write a Budget chapter, especially if they require research funding.
Thus, if you need to mention it, attach the final cost, justification of such a price, and a source — how you came up with such a price. The last stage will be dedicated fully to proofreading. If you lack professional vocabulary, persuasive language, and of course the availability of correct grammatical tenses in your work, the chances to receive positive feedback will be minimal. For your convenience, check the essential tips before submitting your research proposal:.
At last, think of this work as an experience. If you want to pursue your career in Women and Gender Studies, it is a good exercise before submitting valuable proposals that involve high budgets and profit. Otherwise, at any time possible it is highly appreciated to attach this paper to your CV, and you can further demonstrate how you cope with persuasive motives.
Follow the above-mentioned advice and forget about missed deadlines and bad grades. Writing Guide. Other paper types. Social Sciences. Business and administrative studies. Natural Sciences. Formal Sciences. Mathematics Statistics. Professions and Applied Sciences. Free tools Plagiarism Checker Find out if your paper is original.
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